Government commissioned research reveals whistleblowers have no faith in the system to protect them

Glum whistleblower at an Employment tribunal. Picture created through AI

A research report published this July by the new Labour government has painted a devastating picture of the failure of the culture of the whistleblower system in the United Kingdom.

The report, originally commissioned by the Tories under Rishi Sunak, and undertaken by researchers at Grant Thornton, one of the big accountancy firms, pulls no punches. It reveals how whistleblowers, whether in industry, the NHS and other public bodies, see a failure by the courts, employers, and even those appointed to help them, to protect them.

The sad news is the report, commissioned by the Department of Business and Trade, looks like remaining on the shelf – and the one improvement planned by the justice ministry could make matters worse. It plans to appoint 50 new employment tribunal judges to handle an increase in whistleblowing cases, among other issues, following the implementation of the new Employment Rights Act. For those who follow my blogs, they will know, they are more than often part of the problem, not the solution.

For a start whistleblowers found the terms used to describe whistleblowers as vague and confusing.

The report notes that terms like “reasonable belief,” “public interest,” and “worker” are seen as subjective, vague, inconsistent, and narrow, creating uncertainty about whether protections actually apply. One whistleblower expressed surprise when an Employment Tribunal decided their concerns didn’t meet legislative requirements despite their employer telling them they did.

The majority of whistleblower participants reported feeling victimized by their employer after blowing the whistle. The research found that many whistleblowers believed the framework doesn’t provide effective protection in practice. The “protection” offered is essentially just the right to seek redress after harm has already occurred, not proactive prevention of retaliation.

Multiple barriers for whistleblowers

Multiple barriers existed for whistleblowers when their case came before an employment tribunal. These included:

Resource imbalance: They lacked time, money, knowledge, and skills compared to their employers Mental toll: The process was described as complex, draining, and requiring resilience many didn’t have Evidential burden: Proving detriment was directly related to their disclosure was extremely challenging Delays: Tribunals experience significant delays

Time limits: Strict deadlines created additional barriers

Unfair treatment: Limited access to evidence and risks around non-disclosure agreements

Lack of trust: Many didn’t believe tribunals would be balanced or deliver meaningful

Nor did whistleblowers find people designated to help them such as regulators much good.

They found they could not protect them from detriments or victimisation. Some were conflicted particularly where there had been regulatory failure.

Several whistleblowers stated it was “not easy” to blow the whistle internally: They found:

  • Little faith in the process based on previous experience
  • Fear of retaliation after hearing stories from others
  • Restrictions from non-disclosure agreements
  • Conflicts of interest when those receiving reports were implicated
  • Lack of independence in investigations
  • Concerns not being properly investigated or addressed
  • No feedback or perceived remedies

The report describes the huge tolls on whistleblowers. At employment tribunals,phrases from whistleblowers included: public execution,exhausting, beyond difficult, miserable. complex, ardous, horrible and abusive, soul destroying,toxic and unsafe.

Litigants in person fared worse with descriptions that they were not treated respectfully by judges, lawyers and other parties and that they were not impartial.

Many stated they would not blow the whistle again due to negative experiences

Cases that involved international jurisdictions were even more complicated with slow co-operation from countries and regulators abroad.

The report makes suggestions for change. These are:

  • create a central body for whistleblowing
  • ongoing engagement and research to assess and monitor all aspects of the GB
    framework
  • efforts to improve effectiveness should be multifaceted and monitored
  • improved mental health support for individuals
  • legal advice and a degree of financial security while the claim progresses
  • consideration of disincentives and incentives, for example implementation of a United
    States style reward system

I contacted the ministry about the report:

A Government spokesperson said:

The Employment Rights Bill will strengthen protections for whistleblowers reporting sexual harassment at work and extend time limits for bringing tribunal claims from three to six months.

“We are also fixing the employment tribunal system by ensuring more cases are resolved before reaching them and recruiting more Employment Judges.”

They said that didn’t regard the report’s conclusions as firm recommendations and many of the suggestions were outside the remit of the ministry.

The full report can be read here.

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Ten brave women still need your help to bring a ground breaking court case that could change employment tribunals forever

Stormy scene around tilted scales of justice as judges avoid complaints

Remember the ten brave women I wrote about who are challenging the bullying behaviour of Employment Judge Philip Lancaster? See my blog here. The ones the justice system refused to investigate despite overwhelming evidence?

They’re now in a race against time – and the Judicial Conduct Information Office is playing its oldest trick: delay, delay, delay until they run out of money or miss their deadline.

Here’s what’s happening:

The women issued their Letter Before Action to the Judicial Conduct Investigation Office (JCIO) in September. The JCIO’s deadline to respond under the pre-action protocol was 8 October. They missed it. The women waited another week. They missed that too.

Now the JCIO says they won’t respond until 20 October – leaving barely two weeks before the women must file at court in early November or lose their right to bring these proceedings forever.

Classic establishment tactics. Unlimited taxpayer funding and government lawyers versus women running on crowdfunding and determination.

But here’s why this matters more than ever:

In September 2025, Baroness Harriet Harman KC published a damning report on judicial misconduct. Her conclusions are devastating:

“The problem is the culture of impunity for those at the top who commit misconduct. Those in powerful positions whether at the Bar or in the judiciary who choose to engage in bullying, harassment or sexual harassment can be pretty confident that nothing will be done about it. And that is what must change.”

She identified a “cohort of untouchables” amongst the judiciary and “particular judges who are widely known for making everyone’s lives a misery.”

This is EXACTLY what these women are fighting to expose.

The women need £40,000 total to see this through

They’ve raised £17,335 so far – incredible progress from 472 supporters. But they need £40,000 in total to get this case into court and finish what they’ve started.

Their legal team of outstanding women lawyers at Deighton Pierce Glynn has already slashed fees dramatically. But even at reduced rates, taking on the government is expensive.

What’s at stake:

  • 35,000+ employment tribunal users face these tribunals every year
  • If this judicial review succeeds, the JCIO will be forced to properly investigate judicial misconduct
  • Judges who egregiously abuse their power and block the release of the court record will finally face consequences
  • Whistleblowers will be better protected

This isn’t about these women and whistleblowers getting compensation – their chance at justice has been lost forever. If they win the judicial reivew there won’t be any compensation – just the knowledge that they exposed a corrupt complaint system. And showing judges that they are not above the law.

How to donate:

Go to: https://www.crowdjustice.com/case/exposing-judge-lancaster/

Every pound counts. They cannot let the judicial establishment win by simply outlasting them financially. Not when they’re this close.

Please help them as they have shown remarkable courage and integrity to do this for the greater good but they can’t do it without further financial help.

The Black Hole of Accountability: Employment Judges Block Evidence in Their Own Misconduct Cases

Judge Barry Clarke who is president of employment tribunals in England and Wales

The English and Welsh Employment Tribunal system is operating under an extraordinary contradiction that strikes at the heart of judicial accountability: judges accused of misconduct can legally withhold the only evidence that exists against them.

This isn’t a bureaucratic quirk. It’s a fundamental breach of justice that’s destroying lives and making a mockery of the complaints system.

The Case That Exposes Everything

Employment Judge Philip Lancaster faces multiple misconduct complaints from whistleblowers, including Sellafield Whistleblower, Alison McDermott, and many others. The evidence needed to investigate these complaints? The judge’s own handwritten notes from the hearings in question.

Here’s where it gets explosive: Justice Secretary Shabana Mahmood has confirmed to MPs that where no audio recording exists, these judges’ notes constitute the official court record.

Yet Lancaster refuses to release the official court record. The very judicial notes that the Justice Secretary says are the official record. The only evidence that exists of what happened in his courtroom.

In other words, the judge accused of multiple breaches of misconduct and betraying his judicial oath has become the sole gatekeeper of the evidence against himself.

A System Designed to Block Scrutiny

Let’s be absolutely clear about what’s happening here. No other professional under investigation could do this:

  • Police officers can’t withhold bodycam footage when under investigation
  • Civil servants can’t lock away departmental emails
  • Politicians can’t refuse to release official documents
  • Doctors can’t refuse to release patient notes

But Employment Tribunal judges can — and do — withhold their notes – the only record of proceedings, even when facing serious misconduct allegations and even though the Justice Secretary has categorically confirmed that the judicial notes are the official court record.

The President’s Defensive Wall

When I pressed Judge Barry Clarke, President of the Employment Tribunal, for answers to this blatant unfairness, the response was revealing. I asked  direct questions:

  1. Does he accept that judges’ notes are the official record, as stated by the Justice Secretary?
  2. If yes, what legal authority allows Lancaster to withhold them?
  3. If no, who can intervene?

Instead of answers, I received pages of case law about judicial independence — a concept that was never meant to shield judges from accountability when facing misconduct investigations.  Clarke’s office has chosen to defend a practice that subverts open justice rather than confront a shocking flaw that undermines the entire tribunal system.

Clarke defended the practice as a matter of “judicial discretion.” But this is precisely the problem: access to the official court record should never be discretionary. It should be an absolute right. In every other court in the land, parties can obtain transcripts, recordings, or official records of proceedings. But in the Employment Tribunal, Clarke has normalised a system where individual judges become personal owners of public records, free to release or suppress them as they see fit. This isn’t about protecting judicial independence — it’s about placing judges above the law.

The fact that Clarke sees nothing wrong with a judge under investigation controlling access to evidence against himself reveals how deeply this corruption has infected the tribunal system. When the President himself cannot grasp that court records belong to the public, not to individual judges, we’re no longer talking about reform. We’re talking about a system that needs to be torn down and rebuilt from scratch.

“This Is Not Justice — It’s a Travesty”

For Alison McDermott, the Sellafield whistleblower, who is leading a judicial review against Employment Judge Lancaster, the situation is both personal and devastating:

“I was horrified to discover my hearing was not recorded. No audio, no video — nothing. Judge Lancaster, who is facing multiple charges of misconduct, is refusing to release the very evidence that could prove it. In any other profession, this would be seen as obstructing evidence. In the Employment Tribunal, they call it standard practice. We’re not asking for special treatment. We’re simply asking for the official court record of our own hearing. But in Britain’s tribunals, the accused judge gets to be the gatekeeper. When judges can keep secret notes, and then withhold those notes when under investigation, we don’t have a justice system. We have a closed shop where judges police themselves. .This is not justice.  It is disgusting perversion of justice and a travesty that denies any possibility of a fair trial.”

The Deeper Rot

This scandal reveals three interconnected failures that should alarm anyone who believes in the rule of law:

First, many Employment Tribunals don’t record their proceedings. In an age where every high street shop has CCTV, our tribunals rely solely on judges’ handwritten notes — notes taken by people who receive no training in accurate record-keeping and face no monitoring of their note-taking abilities.

Second, these unverified notes become the official court record. Your career, your reputation, your access to justice — all hang on a judge’s personal scribbles. Yet you are denied access to them.

Third, when that judge faces investigation, they alone decide whether anyone can see those notes. The accused becomes the gate keeper of the very evidence needed to prove misconduct.

Why This Matters Beyond One Case

This isn’t simply about Judge Lancaster. It’s about a system that has abandoned its most basic principle: open justice. The latest annual report from the Judicial Appointments and Conduct Ombudsman – see here – show that there were 424 complaints against judges last financial year where people contacted the Ombudsman because they were dissatisfied. Of course only a few – 23 – were investigated – the vast majority being thrown out often because it breached the three month time limit for complaints to be heard.

Regional Judges and the President of the Employment Tribunal have also applied this three month deadline rigidly, striking out cases before their substance can even be tested. Campaigners say the effect is to silence victims and protect those in positions of power. And now Baroness Harriet Harman agrees.

Harriet Harman’s Independent Review of Bullying, Harassment and Sexual Harassment at the Bar [see here]was blunt about the flaws. In paragraph 34 she wrote: “There is no benefit in restricting complaints arbitrarily. Indeed, the only practical benefit it has is to protect those engaging in misconduct.” She added it was “surprising that the judiciary confirmed the reasonableness of this time limit after reviewing it as part of the consultation on judicial discipline in 2023.”

Courts must be open to scrutiny. Proceedings must be transparent. The court record. must be accessible. These aren’t optional extras — they’re the key foundations that separate justice from an abuse of arbitrary power.

The Question That Demands an Answer

Either the Justice Secretary is right that judges’ notes are the official court record — in which case Lancaster’s refusal to release them is a scandal that should trigger immediate intervention — or she has misled MPs about how the tribunal system actually works.

There is no third option.

The government cannot claim these notes are the official record while simultaneously allowing judges to treat them as private property, especially when facing misconduct investigations.

A System in Crisis

A tribunal system that allows judges to withhold evidence against themselves cannot command public confidence. A President who defends this practice rather than reforming it has failed in his duty. A Justice Secretary who knows this is happening but doesn’t act has abandoned her responsibility.

The principle is devastatingly simple: without access to the court record, there can be no proper appeals, no effective complaints process, and no real justice.

Until this changes, the Employment Tribunal will remain what it has become: a system where judges facing serious allegations can simply make the evidence disappear.

That’s not judicial independence. It’s judicial impunity.

And in a democracy that claims to value the rule of law, it’s completely unacceptable.

The full letter from his office is here if you want to read it.

Also it is essential to help fund the judicial review so it can reach its £30,000 target. The link to donate is https://www.crowdjustice.com/case/exposing-judge-lancaster/

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Institutional Corruption in Employment Tribunals: Dr Chris Day’s damning letter to top judge

Lord Fairley

Veteran NHS whistleblower campaigner, Dr Chris Day, has written a damning letter to Lord Fairley, President of the Employment Appeal Tribunal, accusing the system of “Institutional Corruption” in the way it has handled his case.

Dr Day, who has just lost an appeal case heard by employment appeal judge Sheldon, compared the way both the employment appeal court and the previous employment tribunal handled the proceedings to the verdict in the infamous Daniel Morgan murder case which has never been solved after a trial of suspects collapsed.

The way this murder was handled by the Metropolitan police led the independent panel to rule: ““Concealing or denying failings, for the sake of an organisation’s public image, is dishonesty on the part of the organisation for reputational benefit. In the Panel’s view, this constitutes a form of institutional corruption.”

Dr Day has emerged bloodied but not unbowed from a judgment that rejected all the detriments he claimed and was surprisingly unconcerned about the defendants Lewisham and Greenwich Health Trust’s chief executive lying on oath about a board meeting and its deputy communications office, Mr Cocke, destroying 90,000 emails that could have been useful to his case during the hearing. The worst the judgment could say was this was ” troubling.” Given this centred on his whistleblowing about the avoidable deaths of two patients in Woolwich hospital’s intensive care unit, which the trust has always tried to deny, this is a remarkably tame comment.

What was particularly hurtful to Dr Day is that at the appeal hearing he was accused in open court of lying about cost threats. He had been clear that he was forced at one stage to try to settle his case because he was told by his barrister that he would face a proposed application from the NHS for £500,000. See my report on his wife’s evidence here.

Effectively he was being called a liar by saying this had happened. Instead there is copious evidence that it did happen.

As he says in his letter: “At my most recent hearing, Mr Justice Sheldon explicitly stated in front of public observers that I was “lying” about being threatened for costs. He did this in circumstances when he knew my belief in cost threats was robustly grounded on written material from by former barrister Chris Milsom. He also knew that this material was enough to convince 2 MPs, the Telegraph and Financial Times that I had been threatened for costs. Accusing me of lying about cost threats in these circumstances was nothing more than a cheap smear to make me look like a liar in public.”

Or as he wrote earlier: “Dishonest or deluded whistleblowers don’t tend to have the support of former health ministers, senior doctors and the BMA to fund a KC.”

Also there is ample evidence in reports by lawyers that attempts to put costs on whistleblowers are commonplace. Indeed some lawyers moan they can’t get enough of them.

Dt Chris Day

His complaint about ” institutional corruption ” is not directed at individual judges but at the legal system where lawyers socialise with each other and don’t want to see a colleague’s reputation or career damaged by having to admit they got it wrong.

As he says in his letter: “My complaint is not directed solely at individual judges but at the institutional handling of this matter. The EAT has placed judges in an impossible position: adjudicating on issues that, if determined on the evidence, would have serious implications for people with whom they admit to having ongoing professional or social relationships including being connected on social media.
“This is precisely the type of reputational self-protection identified as “institutional corruption” in the
Daniel Morgan inquiry. I am not expecting you or the EAT to do anything about this but want to record
my position and the fact that it has been put to you as EAT president. You will note 2 MPs have called
for a public inquiry into this case.”

The full letter is on the internet here. His account of the case on Linked In is on https://lnkd.in/dZuKkTFG.

My view from covering a number of tribunals- both involving whistleblower doctors, nurses and in the world of industry and the arts – is that lawyers are getting too cosy and comfortable with each other. Add to this the loss of media interest in all but the most lurid of court cases, there are precious few journalists left to observe what is happening in the courts.

All this is to the detriment of the ordinary member of the public when they fight their case. Arraigned against them is a club that knows how to fix the outcome. And this is destroying the principle of open justice and why we need radical reform of both the employment tribunal and county court system.

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Sexual harassment at work to be treated as a whistleblower complaint under new employment law

But no answers from the ministry on plans to cost and scope the establishment of an Office of the Whistleblower

The Department for Business and Trade is changing the law to strengthen the right of people to report sexual harassment at work by making it a protective disclosure under whistleblowing legislation.

Bizarrely this measure was missed by mainstream media when the bill was published last month with most of the coverage being devoted to the measure improving employees rights in the job market and repealing some of the Tory legislation restricting trade union actions.

But there is a section of the new bill devoted to strengthening the rights of people who suffer sexual harassment at work. It proposes a three pronged attack to change the current law.

First it is strengthening the duty of employers to do something about the issue by amending the Equality Act to say they must take ” all reasonable steps ” to stop it happening.

This change has already been noted by lawyers who take up sexual harassment cases since it significantly reduces the wriggle room for employers to get out of any responsibility.

The new bill spells out what specific actions employers should take and will be further covered in regulations to be issued by ministers. These include carrying out assessments to deal with sexual harassment, publishing company policy, and drawing up reporting and complaints procedures.

The definition of sexual harassment is also extended to say “that sexual harassment has occurred, is occurring or is likely to occur“. ( my bold emphasis)

The second big change is that employers would have to act if a third party is sexually harassing their employee opening up the ground to take action if there are subject to unwanted sexually offensive social media attacks or customers are sexually harassing their employees.

The final big change is to incorporate reporting of sexual harassment as a protected statement under whistleblowing legislation by amending the 1996 Employment Relations Act so it is covered by PIDA.

A Department for Business and Trade spokesperson said:

“We’re committed to making workplace rights fit for the modern workplace and that’s why the Employment Rights Bill will strengthen whistleblowing protections, including women who report sexual harassment at work.

“We encourage workers to speak up about wrongdoings to their employer or a regulator and we will ensure they’re protected if they’ve been dismissed or treated unfairly for doing so.” 

There is a really good blog on sexual harassment changes in the law, including some prior to the new bill, by Mandy Bhattal, a senior solicitor at Leigh Day. The link is here.

While this is good news, especially for women, there are certain caveats to be made. The main one is that if a person ends up being dismissed or feels she has to leave her job, the case is likely to go to the employment tribunal system. It is fact that some male employment judges appear to be patronising and offensive towards women. I am thinking of the way judge Philip Lancaster treated whistleblower Alison . McDermott, during her case involving Sellafield. Eight women have complained about they way he treated them in different cases.

Nasty playbooks by barristers at employment tribunals

Secondly there is a rather nasty playbook used by barristers and solicitors engaged by employers to deal with whistleblowers at employment tribunals. They discredit them by bringing up other matters unrelated to the whistleblowing issue. This includes suggesting the person is a bully or cannot work with their colleagues. I fear a new playbook being invented to present the woman as a flirt or leading men on to undermine her case.

Indeed looking at the bill altogether employment tribunals are going to be central to the implementation of the new laws and safeguards for workers – increasing the need for their procedures to be reformed as I have said before.

Office of Whistleblower silence

Last week Baroness Jones of Whitchurch, the new junior minister at the Department for Business and Trade, took peers by surprise, by suddenly announcing the ministry was evaluating whether to set up a new Office of the Whistleblower, a demand long pressed by Whistleblowers UK, headed by Georgina Halford Hall. Their site is https://www.wbuk.org . WBUK is also doing a national survey of whistleblowers experience and perceptions which will lead to a detailed report to develop proposed improvements to the UK Whistleblowing Framework. The link for the survey is here .

She told peers in answer to a question from Liberal Democrat Baroness Kramer:” With regard to an office for the whistleblower, there are a number of ideas around this. We are looking at the role and remit that such a body could have. There will be a need to look at the cost, role and function of a potential new body, but we are looking at all the ways we can ensure that whistleblowers are protected at the workplace, as they should be. “

Baroness Kramer had previously promoted a bill to create such an office.

Baroness Jones also gave an answer to hereditary peer, Lord Cromwell, on non-disclosure agreements.

She told him “We have already noted the concerns about the misuse of non-disclosure agreements. We share his concern, because they are being used to silence whistleblowers and cover up sexual harassment and discrimination. I stress that there are existing legal limits to how NDAs can be used in an employment context, which means they are void and unenforceable in certain circumstances. The use of NDAs is not something we would support and, if there were ways of limiting it, we would do so.”

I contacted the ministry’s press office about Baroness’s Jones remarks. I asked them for the timetable for reviewing the need for an Office of the Whistleblower, whether there was a plan for a consultation paper on the idea and when such a review would report.

Answer came there none, it was completely ignored and instead I was told about the new measures affecting sexual harassment.

I am rather surprised. Either Baroness Jones had gone off piste or the civil servants at the ministry aren’t keen on this. I don’t believe she would have risked making such a statement which is reported in Hansard and is now permanently on the record. So we have a mystery. I am sure campaigners will follow this up.

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Ministry of Justice and Lady Chief Justice Dame Sue Carr refuse to explain the lawfulness of withholding official ET court records

05/07/2024. London, United Kingdom.Chancellor and Secretary of State for Justice, Shabana Mahmood. poses for a photograph following her appointment to Cabinet by Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer in 10 Downing Street. Picture by Lauren Hurley / No 10 Downing Street

By David Hencke and Alison McDermott

Direct complaint to the Lord Chancellor signed by 150 people is being blocked by officials at the Ministry of Justice

Whitehall and the judiciary are engaged in an extraordinary exercise to block, obfuscate and deny there is a legal issue over the public release of judge’s notes where they amount to an official record in employment tribunals.

We are now in the absurd position of Barry Clarke, the President of Employment Tribunals in England and Wales, both admitting the judge’s notes where tribunals are not recorded are the only official record but saying at the same they must remain private because they are personal notes under the Data Protection Act.

Employment tribunals are already in transition. After a new practice ruling the aim is that all hearings will be recorded but that is not happening yet in many cases. Also transcripts of the hearings can be made available but litigants have to buy them at huge cost and are not provided before the six weeks deadline to appeal. So what’s the point of them ?

But for a majority of tribunals the only official record is the judge’s notes – which can be used by appeal judges when they are adjudicating on an appeal to guide them. Barry Clarke has recently ruled that they are the official record but the public, press and both parties involved in a case cannot see them.

Thus the one vital official record of what the judge has recorded about the case is kept secret – contrary to any policy of transparency and open justice. It also means judges are not open to scrutiny, could be biased against either the claimant or defendant, are out of step with other European court systems and in the days of digital recordings, keep an archaic system of hand written notes. It also means if there are complaints against judges – the secrecy of the notes means the judge can withhold the information to prove it which is very helpful to an errant judge.

So what is legal position of this which allows this type of official record to be withheld? This is the question that led Alison McDermott, a former ET complainant against Sellafield, and 150 other people to wrote to the Lord Chancellor demanding an explanation, using the examples I have quoted and many more.

The letter is here. But guess what? You can’t send it direct to the Lord Chancellor’s Office or even to the Lord Chancellor as an MP unless you are a constituent in Birmingham, Ladywood. Instead you can only write to the ministry of justice and hope it can be passed on.

Dame Sue Carr: Pic Credit: Rory Lindsay

So Alison McDermott and I decided another tack. I put questions into the Ministry of Justice press office to ask for explanations. Alison had previously been told by Dame Sue Carr, the Lady Chief Justice that the only way she would get answers was to go to the Appeal Courts – an incredibly expensive business. This is also absurd as it puts the onus on the claimant to get a ruling to clarify the law and makes a lot of money for lawyers. Most people are not involved in tribunals so why should they be denied from knowing where the law stands?.

These are the questions I put to the Ministry of Justice which it refused to answer:

1.Does the MoJ agree that an official record of legal proceedings, including Employment Tribunal hearings, must be made available to parties and the public?

 2.Which specific law or authority allows judges to withhold their notes from ET proceedings, given that  ET President  Barry Clarke has recently confirmed that these notes serve as the official record where no other record exists?

3. If no such law or authority exists will the MoJ commit to releasing all judges’ notes? 

 4.. If not, does the MoJ acknowledge that judges’ notes cannot be considered the official record, as official records must be accessible?

5. In the absence of an accessible official record, does the MoJ agree this breaches the right to a fair trial under Article 6 of the Human Rights Act?  If not, what is the justification? 

6.  Why is the MOJ suggesting  that this can be resolved by individual appeals, as proposed by the Lady Chief Justice to Ms McDermott, rather than providing a clear policy response that would benefit all ET users?

Answer came there none. The ministry declined to answer any questions and said it was a matter for the Judicial Office to answer the questions.

I put the same questions to the Judicial Office press office. I heard nothing for a week and then sent them a reminder. The initial response was to refer them back to the Ministry of Justice until they suddenly realised I had already contacted them.

The office then sent a reply. This is it.

“We have answered the questions we can from a judicial perspective (see below) but other questions are for not for us and you may wish to ask other parts of Government.

Parties involved in an Employment Tribunals are given decisions following a hearing. If the decision is a judgment, the Tribunal will either give an oral judgment with reasons or reserve its decision and give a written decision at a later date. ” It goes on to quote existing rules and procedures.

So here we have it. They haven’t answered my questions. There is a failure to confirm what the lawful basis is for a judge to withhold the official record of an ET hearing and they have side stepped whether the refusal to do so breaches the right to a fair trial.

Judge Barry Clarke, president of the England Wales employment tribunals- an outlier with Europe advocating secrecy

Alison using AI found how outdated and Nethanderal this is compared to other advanced democracies. In France, Germany, Spain, the Netherlands, Sweden, Belgium and Italy all parties have access to the judges’ notes. This leaves the UK as an outlier, failing to provide basic transparency in proceedings that can have life-altering consequences. .

It added: “The practices in these European countries generally support greater transparency and access to court records, including judges’ notes, in employment cases. This trend aligns with principles of fair trial and effective appeal rights, as parties are given the opportunity to fully understand and, if necessary, challenge the basis of decisions made against them.”

The conclusions using AI are very powerful;

“The current state of the UK’s employment tribunal system is untenable and legally questionable. It operates on a contradiction that undermines the very principles of justice it’s meant to uphold. The solution is clear, legally grounded, and non-negotiable:

  1. Judges’ notes must be released to all parties.
  2. All hearings must be recorded.
  3. These records must be made accessible to all parties involved.
  4. These steps are essential for maintaining the integrity of the UK’s legal system, ensuring compliance with human rights law, and upholding the principles of natural justice and open courts. The time for obfuscation and delay is over. It’s time to resolve this legal paradox and restore faith in our justice system. Release the notes, record the hearings, and let justice be truly seen to be done.”

Only in the UK do we pursue a policy of secrecy masquerading as privacy to cover up official records, frustrating claimants and respondents in employment tribunals, and protecting judges from any scrutiny that could effectively challenge them. What a backward country we are. A judicial review can change this and looking at procedures in Europe eventually lead to a well deserved adverse ruling against the UK in the European Court of Human Rights. We understand that the Lord Chancellor holds the copyright to all court records so she can decide to release them.

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Time to ask the Lord Chancellor to intervene to make employment tribunal transcripts available and release judge’s notes

Shabana Mahmood, Labour’s new Lord Chancellor

Please sign letter by whistleblower to Shabana Mahmood

Two years ago some 317 people agreed to sign a letter to Sir Keith Lindblom, senior president of the tribunals, calling for transcripts and recordings of employment tribunal cases to be made available.

Employment tribunals appeared to be one of the few legal proceedings where records were not kept and claimants and whistleblowers – often appearing as a litigant in person – were put at a big disadvantage against big corporate companies, NHS trusts, powerful public bodies like Sellafield, who employed expensive barristers, often using taxpayer’s money, to discredit employees and whistleblowers bringing cases against them.

The companies and public bodies could afford – unlike a litigant in person – to employ notetakers or paralegals – so they had their own records – so if a person appealed against a tribunal verdict – he or she was at a big disadvantage.

Within just seven days we had backing from well over 300 people – from a former economic adviser to No Ten Downing Street, Sir Adam Ridley, 80 medical consultants, numerous GPs, nurses, teachers, to a former deputy groundsman at the Chelsea Pensioners hospital, a lorry driver, an actor, writer and a poet. This suggests there is a wide ranging feeling that there is something wrong in the justice system.

Judge Barry Clarke, President of the Employment Tribunals in England and Wales

Barry Clarke, the head of the employment tribunals in England, responded to the letter by announcing, where possible, employment tribunal proceedings would be recorded, so they would be transcripts of the proceeding.

But now two years later this has proved to be a Pyrrhic victory – hence the need for a fresh letter. It has also reached an impasse with the top judges in the employment tribunal digging their heels in to prevent further change. Thus only an appeal to the Lord Chancellor can remove this obstacle.

What has happened is that where tribunals have recorded proceedings, obtaining a transcript, if a judge allows it, costs thousands of pounds, well beyond the means of most claimants.

Where there is no recording the only record of proceedings is the judge’s notes. Judges have jealously guarded releasing this to the public – but it is the only record a judge covering an appeal in the case will see.

First it took a considerable time for the judiciary to concede this was the official record – arguing it was a private and personal note. Now Barry Clarke has conceded this is an official record of the case but does not want this released to the claimant, the public or the press. This hardly fits with the image that Britain’s legal system is proud of its reputation for ” open justice.”

Alison McDermott

Alison McDermott, a whistleblower who challenged Sellafield over its toxic culture towards its employees, has drafted a letter to go to the Lord Chancellor. You can read her blog and the text of the letter here . All you have to do is text Yes to Alison if you want to sign.

Last time the strength of feeling of the need for change was very high. My blog on the campaign is here. It also lists the 317 who signed. This time Alison is not planning to publish all the names.

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Judge quashes £10,000 costs order against rail safety whistleblower

One of Vossloh Cogifer UK Ltd biggest projects: Supplying 149 sets of points outside London Bridge Station Pic credit: Network Rail.

Nigel Midgley, a former employee with Vossloh Cognifer, a private contractor to Network Rail, who was dismissed after he reported rail safety issues to the Health and Safety Executive, today got a £10,000 costs order quashed by a judge at an Employment Appeal Tribunal.

VCUKL is a wholly owned subsidiary company of Vossloh Cogifer a French managed but German owned global company. VCUKL’s Managing Director is Mrs Wendy Anne Preston and its main customer is Network Rail.

The judge ruled that the UK based company had been wrong to with hold from an employment tribunal, part of a email sent by Edward Flanaghan, head of Gosschalks Solicitors in Hull, to Mr Midgley offering to settle the case without going to a tribunal.

Instead it left the first and last two paragraphs out of the letter, sending a redacted version to the tribunal omitting the offer but painting a nasty picture of Mr Midgeley as a failed probationary employee who was sacked but used whistleblowing complaints to explain his dismissal. It told the tribunal that these had no merit and Mr Midgley had no chance of winning his case.

Judge Martyn Barklem however ruled that the omission of the offer by the employer to settle the case changed the whole picture presented to the tribunal and would have not led to the award of costs. He also saw it as an attempt to stop a litigant in person, who was not a qualified lawyer, to abandon the case. He pointed out that no judge had decided that Mr Midgley did not have a case. The company also tried to argue that Mr Midgeley should not have disclosed the unredacted letter to the employment appeal tribunal because it was covered under legal privilege. This was rejected by the judge.

David Stephenson, Pic Credit: Doughty Chambers

Mr Midgley’s case was taken up by an advocate, David Stephenson from Doughty Chambers, whom the judge praised for his succinct presentation of the issues. The company did not employ a lawyer in person to present their case but gave a written submission. The judge revealed their non appearance was for commercial reasons as it would have cost them more than £10,000 to be represented. This highlights what is wrong with public authorities like the NHS and Sellafield which have access to unlimited sums of taxpayer’s money to pursue whistleblowers like cardiologist Usha Prasad and human resources consultant, Alison McDermott, through the tribunal system, while a commercial company would cut its losses.

More disturbing stuff about NDA’s

There is more disturbing stuff about the way lawyers from Gosschalks and the private rail company behaved in Mr Midgeley’s case. He was strongly supported by his wife, Keely Midgley, over his whistleblowing claims and treatment by the company. She sent a large volume of emails to directors of the company and posts were put up on Linked in. The company then threatened Mr Midgley with harassment proceedings unless it stopped.

But the most disturbing part of the proceedings was the COT3 agreement which the company wanted him to sign written up by their lawyers.

Among the provisions were: “The Claimant will not publish, cause, assist or knowingly permit to be published (including but not limited to by his wife) in any media whatsoever, any article or comment relating to his employment with the Respondent, or its termination, or the existence or terms of this agreement.  The Claimant will not contact by any means any customer, supplier, employee, consultant, advisor or other organisation with which the Respondent has a professional relationship in respect of any matter whatsoever.”

It also banned him from approaching the Information Commissioner or making any data subject request. ” The Claimant will not make any further Data Subject Access Request under the General Data Protection Regulations ((EU) 2016/679) (GDPR) or the Data Protection Act 2018 or other legislation and agrees that any existing or ongoing such request should be treated as withdrawn. The Claimant will not make any complaint to the Information Commissioners Office in respect of Subject Access Requests and further waives any civil claim for damages in respect of breaches of data protection legislation.”

The proposed agreement led a firm of lawyers, Marjon Law, to disagree on Mr Midgley’s behalf.

“We would contend that Mr Midgley is entitled to use all documents that were read to or by the court, or referred to, at a hearing which has been held in public. To that end, we do not believe that the draft undertaking for him is reasonable or appropriate. In any event, Mr Midgley should be able to disclose documents from the Claim for the purpose of:
(a) reporting a suspected criminal offence to the police or any law enforcement agency or cooperating with the police or any law enforcement agency regarding a criminal investigation or prosecution;
(b) doing or saying anything that is required by HMRC or a regulator, ombudsman or supervisory authority;
(c) whether required to or not, making a disclosure to, or co-operating with any investigation by, HMRC or a regulator, ombudsman or supervisory authority regarding any misconduct, wrongdoing or serious breach of regulatory requirements (including giving evidence at ahearing);
(d) complying with an order from a court or tribunal to disclose or give evidence;
(e) disclosing information to HMRC for the purposes of establishing and paying (or recouping)
tax and National Insurance liabilities arising from his employment or its termination; or
(f) making any other disclosure as required by law.”

The company’s lawyer’s disagree and said this was only guidance and could be ignored.

If I take this with moves to silence whistleblowers at Sellafield through non disclosure agreements this suggests that lawyers seem to think they can force litigants in person to shut up about matters that affect public safety whether in the NHS, Sellafield or on Network Rail.

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Red Faces for Sellafield and the Nuclear Decommissioning Authority as their lawyers are slammed by a judge

Alison McDermott

Taxpayers left with a £1 million bill as whistleblower Alison McDermott wins case not to pay nearly all “unsafe” costs

Sellafield and the Nuclear Decommissioning Authority were all but humiliated in a court judgement in their second attempt to get costs against whistleblower human resources consultant Alison McDermott for exposing bullying and alleged sexual harassment at the plant.

The Nuclear Decommissioning Authority (NDA) and Sellafield failed entirely to get any costs for its main contention that Ms McDermott had acted ” unreasonably” throughout the case. The only award for costs was £5000 shared between Sellafield and Heather Roberts, Sellafield’s human resources director, where the tribunal believed Ms McDermott had been unreasonable in alleging crucial metadata was ” tampered with” by a DLA Piper lawyer, Emma Mills, acting for both of them.

I watched the hearing and it was very clear that Alison McDermott, appearing as a litigant in person with no legal representation, was cool, collected and precise in putting forward her case why she should not pay costs while the opposing highly paid legal team were making absurd over the top claims against her and defaming her character. No wonder these expensive lawyers lost the case and the plot.

The long running case has cost the taxpayer around £1m to bring through the tribunal system and this last costs hearing alone landed Sellafield and the NDA with a £100,000 bill for the taxpayer just to recover £5000. Her findings in her report, commissioned by Sellafield itself, have made national news in the UK and Norway, because it raises nuclear safety issues.

Judge Robertson was critical of the two barristers acting for Sellafield and the NDA and the way they handled the case.

Rachel Levene KC Pic Credit: Chambers and Partners

He found Rachel Levene, who acted for the NDA, had failed to produce any substantive arguments that Ms McDermott should meet £20,000 of the costs. The £3000 a day barrister tried to argue that Ms McDermott was misconceived in bringing the case, had lied in her evidence and ” deliberately exaggerated her evidence” throughout the proceedings. This was rejected by the judge. She put forward six allegations against her which were all rejected for not being specific enough.

He said “Ms Levene couches her allegations in the most general terms. As to allegations (1) and (4), she makes no specific case about the unreasonableness of the claimant’s complaints to the solicitors’ regulatory body or her Freedom of Information or Data Subject Access Requests or why such matters, which did not arise in the course of the proceedings, should lead to a costs sanction against the
claimant in the proceedings.As to allegations (2), (3) and (6), Ms Levene makes no case that any specific
applications for disclosure against the second respondent were unreasonable. She makes no case as to why the application to strike out the second respondent’s response based on failures in disclosure was unreasonable. She does not explain in what specific ways she contends that the claimant’s amendments to her claims were unreasonable.

The judge also accepted that Ms McDermott was right to turn down an offer of £160,000 to drop the case from the NDA- which Ms Levene tried to make as an example of “unreasonableness”.

Deshpal Paneseer KC Pic Credit: Old Square Chambers

Judge Robertson was also critical of Sellafield’s barrister, Mr Deshpal Paneseer, KC, from Old Square Chambers, who also attacked Ms McDermott for being ” fundamentally dishonest” only using more extravagant and denigrating language. Despite the EAT judge previously saying Ms McDermott was not dishonest he persisted un this. He also contended that her case had “no prospect of success” from the start and that she should not have made serious allegations against very important people.

The judge ruled:” The Tribunal was not persuaded by Mr Panesar’s assertion that the claimant’s allegations were particularly serious because of the standing of the individuals about whom they were made. All allegations of whistleblowing or victimisation are serious and there was nothing unusual about the individuals in this case.( my emphasis) Mr Panesar KC made too much of this. Second, Mr Panesar KC submitted that the claimant had been untruthful in multiple fundamental regards…..But the Tribunal has not found that the claimant pursued claims had no reasonable prospect of success and the first and third respondent’s second application for costs fails.”

One key ruling from this tribunal is that Judge Lancaster, who heard the original case , said she was not a whistleblower. This hearing reaffirmed that one of her complaints about sexual harassment was a protective disclosure – confirming she was a whistleblower. Judge Philip Lancaster’s attitude towards women is also under fire as he is facing complaints from women who have appeared before him at previous employment tribunal hearings.

This was the second time Sellafield and the NDA had tried to get costs from her – even after a High Court EAT judge had already ruled that the costs imposed at a previous hearing were “unsafe” so the nuclear bodies should have known they had little chance of success. As it is the money they have recovered is not even enough to pay for a day of Mr Paneseer’s charges which run at £5500 a day.

There is an extraordinary twist over the metadata Sellafield and Heather Roberts were awarded costs of £5000 against Ms McDermott for alleging their lawyer had ” tampered with it”. The metadata produced at the last minute in the tribunal case after Emma Mills, a DLA Piper oawyer said she had overlooked because of an oversight.

The metadata included criticism of Ms McDermott had been produced on the home computers of Sellafield staff – putting at risk the security of the nuclear plant. A complaint to the Information Commissioner’s Office led to the criminal prosecution of Sellafield and it was found guilty this week.

Hubris of the directors

Frankly this whole proceeding against Ms McDermott by Sellafield and the NDA shows the hubris of the directors of both organisations. The lawyers must have been encouraged to over-egg their case against her, leading the judge to throw it out. Any sensible organisation already warned by another judge that the costs were ” unsafe” would have had cause to think again. Instead they ploughed ahead because they knew the taxpayer would foot the bill. I also think this was a deliberate ploy to cause more distress to Ms McDermott because they hated her findings about the way the nuclear waste plant was run. It may also be aimed at frightening anybody wanting to raise issues like sexual harassment, bullying and nuclear safety. This is not a good place for any business, let alone one dealing with such dangerous materials as nuclear waste.

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Historic conference at the Royal Society of Medicine on Patient Safety paves way for campaign to protect whistleblowers from trusts in the NHS

Yesterday a conference of doctors, patients and journalists held at the prestigious Royal Society of Medicine in London highlighted the appalling treatment of doctors by NHS management who raise patient safety issues to protect patients. Examples were given from doctors who had been dismissed after they raised patient safety issues and how trust managers spend unlimited funds on lawyers to make sure they lose employment tribunal cases, sometimes even aided by the judges hearing them.

The conference arranged by Justice for Doctors, a new organisation representing many of the affected doctors, coincided with a series of articles in The Daily Telegraph, which showed that these are not isolated cases but involve doctors right across the country and is a national problem which trusts are trying to hide.

One of the main organisers is David. E. Ward,, a retired cardiologist from St George’s Hospital, South London, who has already written two guest blogs on this site. I have included his planned closing statement to the conference as a fresh blog from him as it succinctly sums up all the issues that were raised.

By David Ward

First, I would like to thank all the contributors to this historic meeting. In a way it is a celebration of all those oppressed whistleblowers who have spoken up for patient safety.

I would personally like to thank my friend Professor Somerville who has been a driving force behind this and many other ideas to stand up for whistleblowers. Jane and I have been trying to set up a second meeting about Patient Safety for 5 years following the first one in March 2019 when we re-enforced our personal campaign to expose – and do something about – the appalling treatment of doctors who speak up for patient safety also known as ”whistleblowers”. During our campaign we met the Justice for Doctors group who helped to organise this meeting

In the past 3 decades a Hospital Trust with its senior management has accrued the powers to destroy a doctor’s career by imposing restrictions, suspensions, referrals to regulators (GMC, CQC) and, astonishingly, an unfettered power to dismiss. These major life-changing decisions are arbitrary and undertaken, incredibly, without any independent or regulatory oversight. For dismissal, “get out” is apparently sufficient.

Allegations against the victimised doctor may be based on made-up and unsubstantiated claims. If major criteria for dismissal cannot be met there is always the “loophole” of “some other substantial reason” which conveniently does not exclude but also does not mandate any additional explanation.

Doctors who see poor practices, faulty equipment, processes (and the like) are obliged to speak-up by Duty of Candour (HSCA 2008 reg 20). But by speaking up but they may put their careers at risk as we have seen so many times recently.

The “The National Guardian” program introduced by Sir Robert Francis and intended to accommodate doctors who speak-up, evidently does not function as intended. It’s called “marking your own homework”.

Investigations into a whistleblower together with their concerns should be independent of the Trust in which they work and be seen to be so. But evidently, they are not. Furthermore, the Trust managements who make these decisions are themselves unregulated. That doesn’t seem right? Does the phrase “judge, jury and executioner” come to mind? Managers should also be regulated, shouldn’t they?

Arcane procedures such as MHPS appeal hearings can be overseen or conducted by “dodgy” external “agencies” some of which claim spurious credentials. These agencies are, in effect, “hired guns” available and willing – for a fee – to “confirm” the Trust’s unfounded allegations and to assist their aims – to dismiss the “troublemaking” doctor; not because of “incompetence” but because the doctor has “annoyed” Trust management by raising concerns about Patient Safety or something else. The reactions of management are often vengeful, as we have seen.

I know of at least one of these agencies which has appropriated and misunderstood (in a written formal report) the phrase not “fit-for-purpose” to describe a doctor in support a Trust’s decision to dismiss. The agency seemed totally unaware that this is not only fictitious nonsense but possibly libellous. No such phrase exists in English Employment Law. Unfortunately, NHS England has also been duped. I know because I’ve asked – in person.

The Judiciary, in the form of Employment Tribunals may be called into action if the dismissed doctor seeks to restore their career via this route. This is a bad choice by the victim as the evidence confirms. Only 3% of Claimants, “win” – not the most apt word – in this system. Put another way, 97% lose! Is that “open and fair justice”? I think not. Some of the judgments are beyond comprehension.

There are many practices which seem grossly unfair, perhaps deliberately. Some obvious ones stand out:

1. Inequality of arms; the law firms acting for the dismissing Trust are funded by each of us – the taxpayer. The Claimant, the doctor, healthcare worker will have no external source of funds except  perhaps by “crowdfunding”. Furthermore, if they lose their case, they may required to pay not only their own legal fees but the law firm’s fees too! That’s not fair. I can show you some law firm invoices which would shock you. The phrase “inequality of arms” doesn’t touch it.

2. “Cost threats” are a notorious device employed to, shall we say, “persuade” a claimant to withdraw their claims before, during or after a Tribunal. It’s another weapon deployed by the Respondent, the dismissing Trust, to force the claimant to surrender and withdraw their claims.

3. Non-disclosure agreements or NDAs, are devices designed to conceal the devious practices used to threaten the claimant (and, as it happens, to suppress evidence). They have no place in inquisitorial proceedings in this context. They should be banned.

4. The Public Interest Disclosure Act (PIDA) 1998; I quote: a worker has the right not to be subjected to any detriment by any act, or any deliberate failure to act, by his employer done on the ground that the worker has made a protected disclosure.

In other words, a doctor cannot be dismissed, for example, for raising patient safety concerns. So, any dismissal has to be attributed to another perceived misdemeanour.  Read any recent case and it is evident that the “whistleblowing” or “patient safety” concerns were discounted and irrelevant to the dismissal. It was about an “attitude”, a “manner of speaking” and similar unquantifiable and, in most cases, unverifiable attributions. Ask one of the presenters today.

5. At a time of great need for medical expertise, doctors are still being persecuted and dismissed having committed NO offence. The law firms which spend so much public money to pursue the claimants should have no place in any procedures which are primarily about patient safety. Furthermore, the concerns and the person who raised them should be formally registered and documented, including all steps taken towards a solution. This is not happening. Doctors who raise concerns about patient safety are treated like criminals! This must stop!

6. Last but not least the patient safety concerns, the very things that trigger most of these shenanigans. What happened to those? Well, they get buried and forgotten don’t they. What a wonderful system. All that waste of public funds to destroy a doctor’s career instead of correcting potentially dangerous practices. That is why a register is needed.

The problem is a nationwide one of the same gravity as the “Great Post Office Scandal”. Perhaps NHS whistleblowers need a TV drama-documentary because we have seen how that shifts public opinion and awakens the media with unprecedented force. I’ve already draw up a potential cast list!

Last, there should be a searching, durable, logical and legally sound review of the treatment of ALL whistleblowing related laws and processes. Whistleblowers are the canaries in the coalmine. They do society a favour. They should be praised – not persecuted.

This is the 21st century! What country do we live in?

Thank you all for attending. Thank you to all those who presented. And particular thanks to Dr Salam Al-Sam, Dr Azhar Ansari and the Justice for Doctors group.

UPDATE: Who came and Who didn’t send anyone

Newspapers who sent a reporter: Times, Guardian, Daily Mail, Standard,

Major media who sent a reporter: Sky News 

Major media one would have expect to send reporter:

BBC, ITV, GBNews, LBC

Major regulatory professional bodies who were notably unrepresented: (very bad show I think especially as some of their members Fellows were major subject dig the WB scandal). If they didn’t know or just couldn’t be bothered –  it’s shameful, either way!

BMA, CQC, GMC, Royal Colleges (all of them, Physicians, Surgeons, Obs and Gynae), National Guardians Office (FTSUG), HMCTS (at least they could have send a junior barrister), Law firms; all those with an obvious interest in oppressing Claimants

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